Other files

In our report on the municipal consultation held on April 2, regarding the purchase of equipment, including a Ford F-150 pickup, we stated: “[It does not appear that our suggestion to consider purchasing an electric vehicle (in this case, likely an F-150 Lightning pickup) was adopted.]

We asked the AI to compare the purchase and operating costs of the gas and electric versions of this pickup over ten years, assuming 50 km per day.

Analysis by ChatGPT

I’m using realistic assumptions for Quebec (important, because Hydro-Québec changes everything):

⚙️ Base assumptions

• Distance: 50 km/day
• Usage: 365 days → 18,250 km/year
• Duration: 10 years → 182,500 km
  Prices used (realistic for Quebec, 2026)
• Gasoline: $1.70/L
• Electricity: $0.10/kWh (average residential rate)
  Real-world consumption
• Gas F-150: ~13–15 L/100 km (ford-koegler.de)
• F-150 Lightning: ~30 kWh/100 km (real-world) (Protégez-Vous)

🚗⚡ 10-YEAR COMPARISON

1. Energy (the big one)

   🔥 Gas F-150

• 14 L/100 km →
• 182 500 km → **25 550 L
• Coût : 👉 ≈ 43 400 $
  ⚡ F-150 Lightning
• 30 kWh/100 km →
• 182 500 km → **54 750 kWh
• Coût : 👉 ≈ 5 500 $
  ✅Electric savings: ~$38,000 over 10 years

🔧 2. Maintenance

Gas

• ≈ 1 500 $/an
  👉 15 000 $ / 10 ans
  Electric
  *≈ 700 $/an
  👉 7 000 $ / 10 ans

✅ Savings: ~$8,000

💰 3. Total operating cost (excluding purchase price)

💵 4. Purchase (realistic approximation)

| Vehicle | Price |
| --------------- | -------- |
| F-150 gas | $55 000 |
| F-150 Lightning | $65 000 |
👉 Difference : +10 000 $ for electric

💥 FINAL 10-YEAR SUMMARY

The type of habitat within a municipality can determine the degree of active mobility—that is, the use of one’s legs, a bicycle, and so on—for most daily trips within one’s living environment.

In this respect, integrated projects often apply urban‑planning rules that are beneficial in several ways; rules from which the municipality could draw inspiration. For some of these rules, such as proximity, the objective would be to recreate a type of habitat associated with a period prior to the advent of the motor vehicle.

“The proliferation (after the Second World War) of very low‑density construction is a direct consequence of the democratization of the automobile.”¹ The motor vehicle fostered urban sprawl. Among other things, it induced the development of suburbs where space was not at a premium.

In these bedroom communities, single‑family homes lined up on either side of an ever‑increasing number of streets. Also: “Governments implemented functional zoning that separated residential areas from commercial and social spaces. The distance between these, and even from employment centres (most often in the city served by the suburb), was often such that a private car was required to get around.”¹

This urban sprawl, along with the multiplication of vehicles and roads, is now perceived as a nuisance “(sedentary lifestyles, problems of social fragmentation, reduced community interaction, loss of agricultural land, and other economic and environmental costs).”¹ Among these costs is the burden placed on municipal budgets. Has this sprawl not also imposed, among other things, a multiplication of hospitals, shopping centres, sports arenas or exhibition halls, and so on, which have become too far removed from these new communities?

Of course, one must recognize the tension between households’ aspiration—if their means allow it—to a single‑family home surrounded by a substantial lot, and the concern for the common good, as well as for economic efficiency, which instead guides the new approach adopted by authorities and developers.

Gradually, municipalities are therefore seeking to amend their regulations and zoning plans to induce a concentration of housing, to curb the extension of road networks and to limit the development of new infrastructure. “(…) By contrast, current developments in Montréal (…) highlight their walkability and their proximity to metro stations in their marketing to buyers. …”¹ The “(15‑minute neighbourhood concept—mixed‑use zoning that allows walkable commercial corridors)”¹ has become a benchmark of New Urbanism.

But the modifications to the traditional model introduced by a municipality such as Wentworth‑Nord are still far from the spatial and community integration that can increasingly be found in integrated housing projects. Yet “developers are for‑profit enterprises that determine the costs and benefits of projects based on their own expenses, and not on social objectives.”¹
By Carl Chapdelaine, March 22, 2026

Par Carl Chapdelaine

1. Notre conception de ce qu’est un quartier a changé

“Do you still hear people say that electric vehicles are not suited to our winters? That their driving range is insufficient? That batteries pollute more than gasoline? These misconceptions persist in family conversations, on social media, and even in the workplace. Yet the reality in Québec tells a very different story. With more than 375,000 electric vehicles already on our roads and a target of two million by 2030, Québec is the Canadian leader in electromobility.” This is no longer a passing trend, but a transition that is already well underway. “And yet, myths persist and still discourage too many drivers from making the switch to electric vehicles.” Roulezélectrique.com

“A study conducted by Léger reveals that one out of every two Quebecers is considering switching to an electric vehicle and, despite their concerns, believes that EVs are a viable solution for the future.” 46 % des Québécois sont favorables aux véhicules zéro émission en 2035

Meanwhile, since February 16, the return of the federal incentive program for the purchase of electric vehicles has reinstated the $5,000 rebate on certain new vehicles. At the same time, affordable Chinese vehicles—although not eligible for this subsidy—are expected to arrive on the Canadian market soon. And it is a safe bet that the Government of Québec will follow suit in its next budget.

So, what is preventing our local authorities from promoting electromobility—those very authorities who nevertheless advocate for environmental protection?

Driving range is probably the main argument put forward by Quebecers who remain attached to gasoline‑powered vehicles. However, for a large proportion of motorists—particularly older drivers, as well as residents of Wentworth‑Nord—their daily vehicle use does not exceed the maximum distance an electric vehicle can travel on a single charge. In fact, such a charge would allow for two round trips between Montfort and Montréal. By installing a home charging station, electric vehicle owners therefore have access to a satisfactory means of transportation that is easy to recharge, economical, and non‑polluting.

At the February council meeting of Wentworth‑Nord, the purchase of two pickup trucks for the fire safety service and the public works department was announced. Municipal vehicles are used primarily within the municipality’s territory. Their range—if they were electric and if their routes were properly planned—should not pose any problem.

The question, then, is not: “Can an electric pickup truck drive from Montréal to Québec City?”
But rather: “Can it cover 80 to 150 km per day within a local radius?” In most cases, the answer is yes. AI

One or more charging stations at town hall, depending on needs, would allow electric pickup trucks to recharge overnight and would justify their purchase, provided they meet operational requirements.

Even with a higher acquisition cost, their purchase would be cost‑effective in the medium term due to:

• Reduced maintenance and energy costs
• Potential provincial and federal subsidies
• Often longer mechanical lifespan

With the upcoming ban on the sale of new gasoline vehicles in Québec, the transition is inevitable. The sooner a municipality begins:

• the more gradual the adaptation,
• the more internal expertise is developed,
• the less abrupt the change will be.

Waiting means being forced to adapt in a rush later.

“On the occasion of Earth Day, April 22, 2026, the Municipality invites all citizens to participate in a contest highlighting positive actions taken to preserve our environment.” Infolettre de mars. If the municipality itself were eligible for the contest, wouldn’t it stand a very good chance of winning first prize by choosing an action in support of electromobility?

By Carl Chapdelaine and ChatGPT

Translation: Copilot

On the eve of every municipal election, in Wentworth-Nord as in many municipalities across Quebec, the issue of consultation, or even citizen participation, arises. It is discussed, but never granted... Consultation is welcome, but the council and the administration are the sole decision-makers. Between elections, only a referendum can allow citizens to change the plans of elected officials.

The previous municipal council, whose leadership was taken over by the current one, did suggest some participation in the decision-making process. But in the end, it was still limited to information and consultation. Was the interpretation of citizens' contributions to these consultations always objective, or were the conclusions possibly tinged with subjectivity? The current council is holding more information/consultation sessions, but it is still the only one to draw conclusions. This is still not citizen participation.

Under a previous administration, participation or simple consultation had to give way to the role of the councillor, who was the sole spokesperson for the residents of his or her district. The “regime” was keen to maintain its prerogatives.

So, if the urban plan prepared by the municipality is subject to consultation, why not take a similar approach in other areas where the community asks to be consulted and where, at times, the missteps of past experiences, such as the extension of Hunter Road, seem to justify its aspirations?

However, low participation in public consultations undermines the process, unless the issue is controversial, covered by the media, etc. The most recent example is the consultation on the repair of Lac-Farmer Road, a major $3.2 million project, with barely more residents than municipal representatives attending in person or virtually.

Before multiplying participatory structures, a preliminary question must therefore be asked: do citizens really want to commit themselves permanently to citizen participation tables or committees?

Prudence would dictate that a formal survey precedes any institutional reform. Better still, a pilot project limited to a single sector should be tested for one year, with public evaluation.

Participation cannot be imposed. It is built gradually, based on the real interests of the population.

Democracy, like citizen participation, although highly commendable in our opinion, also has its drawbacks, as current international events demonstrate in the first case.

In conclusion, should citizen participation be given a more prominent place in the development of our society?

Below are excerpts (not included here) on the subject, taken from the website of the Lake Saint-François-Xavier's Friends.

By Carl Chapdelaine

(Answer by ChatGPT)

Between representative democracy and collective intelligence
In Wentworth-Nord, as in most municipalities in Quebec, there is much talk of citizen participation. But what does this term really mean?
Citizens are informed.
They are consulted.
But do they truly participate in decision-making?
The distinction is not theoretical. It is fundamental.

Consultation is not participation
The literature on local governance generally distinguishes between four levels of involvement:
• Information: explaining a proposed decision.
• Consultation: gathering opinions.
• Participation: co-developing proposals.
• Co-decision: sharing a portion of decision-making power.

In Quebec, the municipal legal framework is based primarily on representative democracy: citizens elect a council that governs on their behalf. Public consultations and question periods are provided for by law, but they remain non-binding.

In Wentworth-Nord, information sessions are becoming more frequent, videoconferencing is expanding access, and consultations are genuine. But at the end of the process, the council remains solely responsible for interpreting the interventions and making decisions.

We are therefore essentially at the consultative level.

Urban planning: a source of tension
Recent debates surrounding residential and recreational tourism projects, particularly in Montfort and the Lac à la Croix area, illustrate the complexity of the decisions involved:
• residents' expectations;
• developers' interests;
• environmental imperatives;
• municipal financial constraints;
• external pressures.

It is difficult for citizens to grasp all the technical implications. But does that justify limiting them to the role of observers and commentators? Le plan d’urbanisme 2017-495 and its règlement de zonage 2017-498 zoning bylaw were developed after multiple serious consultations. The residents' message was clear: protect the municipality's “green gold.” Yet the impression sometimes persists that the consultation does not really influence the decision.

What is happening elsewhere in Quebec
Wentworth-Nord is not alone in asking these questions.
Over the past 15 years or so, several Quebec municipalities have experimented with more structured forms of participation, notably participatory budgeting.
In Rimouski, Laval, and more than a hundred other municipalities, a limited portion of the capital budget is reserved for projects proposed and voted on by citizens. The council retains its central role, but a specific share of decision-making power is delegated.
These experiences highlight three essential conditions:

1. A clear and well-defined framework.
2. Minimum representativeness.
3. Complete transparency of results.

Without these conditions, participation remains symbolic.

Participation: promise or local reality?
In Wentworth-Nord, citizen vitality already exists.
Lake associations play a decisive role.
The Lake Saint-François-Xavier Environmental Fund demonstrates what structured mobilization can accomplish.
The Montfort Art Gallery, regattas, markets, and volunteer initiatives demonstrate a real capacity for action.
When the issue is concrete, commitment is there.
The question then becomes:
Why shouldn't this energy be better integrated into the municipal process?

Structural limitations
Several factors hinder effective participation:
• City councillors have no individual power.
• Advisory committees deliberate mainly behind closed doors.
• Consultations attract few participants outside of controversial issues.
• Meetings are centralized at Town Hall.
Representative democracy works. But it can give the impression of distant governance.

The risks of broader participation
Giving citizens a greater say does not mean transferring all powe r.
Research on participatory democracy highlights certain risks:
• capture by highly mobilized but minority groups;
• decision-making paralysis;
• emotional decisions on technical issues;
• volunteer fatigue.
Participation should not replace the responsibility of elected officials. It should enrich it.

A middle ground for Wentworth-Nord
Rather than institutional upheaval, a gradual evolution could be considered:
• A limited, supervised, and targeted participatory budget.
• A right of citizen initiative, allowing for the mandatory inclusion of an item on the agenda once a certain number of signatures has been collected.
• A sectoral round table bringing together municipal representatives, associations, entrepreneurs, and citizens.
• Increased transparency, particularly regarding environmental studies and the follow-up to briefs submitted.
These mechanisms would not take power away from the council. They would structure local collective intelligence.

Sectors or districts?
The proposal (by former councillor André Cliche, on participatory democracy) for representation by sector (Saint-Michel, Laurel, Montfort) raises a relevant debate. It could strengthen territorial roots. But representation by district could offer even greater proximity.
The issue goes beyond geographical boundaries. The real challenge is institutional:
What mechanism would guarantee real influence for citizens without compromising administrative efficiency?

A question for the upcoming elections
In the upcoming municipal elections, it would be useful for candidates to clarify their position:
• Will participation be consultative or structured?
• Can part of the decision-making power be formalized?
• What place is given to active transparency?

Conclusion

Citizen participation should not be a periodic slogan.
It can become a form of organized collective intelligence, complementary to representative democracy.
Wentworth-Nord already has a strong culture of community engagement. The challenge is not to create this participation. It is to give it a framework.

The question remains open:
Do we simply want to be consulted... or do we want to truly participate in the future of our municipality?
Note: a more academic version, with references and comparisons to Quebec, by ChatGPT, is available.

Translated with DeepL.com (free version) & Linguee

 By Carl Chapdelaine et ChatGPT

In 2023, the share of government transfers in employment income in the Pays-d’en-Haut region remains higher than for Quebec as a whole, at $26/$100 compared to $22/$100.

The ratio is more pronounced under the items “Old age security...” and “...annuities... and pensions...”. Clearly, the explanation lies in the aging population of Pays-d'en-Haut, as observed in other statistical sources. As a corollary, child allowances are lower there.

For this reason, and to ensure the next generation of workers, among other things, the MRC and its municipalities are seeking to attract more young families.

Translated with DeepL.com (free version) & Linguee

By Carl Chapdelaine

(By ChatGPT)

In Wentworth-Nord, the key issue is not so much what to offer as to whom and how to say it—without a budget and without an existing local pool of entrepreneurs.

First, a key idea
👉 You don't “advertise” a municipality like Wentworth-Nord.
👉 You make the municipality findable and readable for those who are already looking.
Entrepreneurs looking for a location:
• don't read municipal advertising;
• don't “discover” a territory by chance;
• already have a project and type in specific keywords.
So, the question is not:
“How do we attract attention?”
but rather:
“Does Wentworth-Nord appear when someone is looking for a solution?”

Why traditional advertising is ill-suited
Buying advertising (newspapers, banners, general social media) would pose three problems:

1. Too broad a target audience. You reach 10,000 people, but only two are considering moving there.
2. Too abstract a message. “Welcoming community,” “quality of life” → everyone says that.
3. Short-lived effect

When the advertising stops, visibility disappears.
👉 In short: expensive, difficult to measure, not very sustainable.

What really works today: the logic of “weak signals”
Small businesses search discreetly for:
• “local artisan space for rent in the Laurentians”
• “food processing workshop in rural Quebec”
• “municipality with flexible SME zoning”
• “small warehouse outside Montreal”
👉 Wentworth-Nord must send out weak but precise signals where these searches are taking place.

The heart of the system: an ultra-clear pivot page
Not a campaign.
👉 A single web page, simple, almost austere, but extremely concrete.
Setting up a small business in Wentworth-Nord – flexible framework and low costs:
Minimal (but strategic) content:
• compatible types of activities (without promising the impossible);
• what the municipality actually does (deadlines, flexibility, single point of contact);
• what it does not do (to avoid misunderstandings);
• indicative costs (taxes, land, existing buildings);
• contact details of a real person.
👉 This page is not intended for citizens.
👉 It is intended for search engines and business advisors.

How to promote it without advertising

• SME accountants;
• light engineering firms;
• MRC/CLD/SADC advisors;
• rural/agri-food incubators;
• second-tier industrial brokers (not the big players).
👉 It's not about convincing them.
👉 It's about providing them with a clear link to share.
A simple email such as:
“If a client is looking for a flexible location outside of urban centers, here's what Wentworth-Nord has to offer.”

Without paying for advertising:
• Industrial buildings for sale/rent websites (Kijiji, Centris Industriel, etc.);
• Targeted LinkedIn groups:
o Manufacturing SMEs;
o Food processing;
o Professional artisans;
• Business buyer forums and networks.
👉 No promotional posts.
👉 Useful responses that link back to the pivot page.

A clear municipal resolution, published:
• "Wentworth-Nord is establishing a framework to support micro-SMEs."
• Reproduced by the MRC.
• Reproduced by regional organizations.
• Reproduced by specialized media (not generalist).
👉 This is not advertising.
👉 This is institutional traceability.

An example
A recent structured citizen initiative in Wentworth-Nord illustrates this dynamic well.
The Wentworth-Nord Chamber of Commerce and Sustainable Development and the Wentworth-Nord Health and Solidarity Cooperative successfully structured a medical clinic project in the Saint-Michel sector, mobilized citizens, and attracted media attention, notably from Radio-Canada.

Although the viability of such an initiative in a sparsely populated area remains a challenge, the process itself sends an important signal: here, projects can emerge, be organized, and have an impact. It demonstrates:
• Capacity for mobilization
• Ability to structure a complex project
• Ability to reach the media
• Existence of local leadership
For an entrepreneur observing from the outside, this type of mobilization is a tangible sign of vitality.

Summary
❌ General advertising: not very useful.
• ✅ Targeted, sustainable, technical visibility.
• ✅ A clear, easy-to-find page.
• ✅ Discreet professional relays.
• ✅ A modest but credible message.
Wentworth-Nord does not have to “sell itself.”
It must be understandable to those looking for a solution, not a slogan.

Translated with DeepL.com (free version) & Linguee

ChatGPT had put forward several ideas so that the municipality could at least make the most of its weak position in its economic exchanges with the outside world. But one question remained unanswered: Is there room for manufacturing companies, or others, that require a certain infrastructure that does not currently exist in Wentworth-Nord?

Under a previous council constitution, the mayor, who had made his mark in industrial development as a key player in the creation of the Montreal Industrial Technopark, wanted to apply his method to Wentworth-Nord. By investing in land purchases to develop an industrial park on the Laurel side and taking out corresponding loans, he hoped to attract developers. To the same end, he advocated investing in improvements to the road network. Having become a minority on the council, the mayor saw his industrial park project rejected.

Was the mayor right? If not, and in the absence of an industrial park, can the municipality, without major investment, attract developers by offering to support them if they set their sights on Wentworth-Nord?

A) An industrial park? ChatGPT (excerpts)
This question goes straight to the heart of the classic misunderstanding between “metropolitan” industrial development and the actual capabilities of a rural resort area like Wentworth-Nord.

1. Was the mayor right?
Short answer: yes in theory, no in the real context of Wentworth-Nord.
The mayor's reasoning was consistent within the mindset of the Montreal Technoparc, but it was based on structural prerequisites that were absent in Wentworth-Nord.

What made sense in his logic
The “build it and they will come” method works when:
o the labor pool is large and skilled;
o road accessibility is immediate (highways, heavy transport);
o the networks (electricity, water, sewers, telecoms) are already sized;
o the municipality can absorb the financial risk.
In Montreal, the industrial park is an accelerator.
In Wentworth-Nord, it became the starting point, and therefore the riskiest link.

Where the project ran into reality
Wentworth-Nord presents four major constraints for traditional manufacturers:
a. Logistical accessibility
o No highway in the immediate vicinity.
o Heavy transport is expensive, slow, and uncompetitive.
b. Labor force
o Small permanent population.
o Direct competition from better-connected hubs (Mirabel, Lachute, Saint-Jérôme).
c. Infrastructure
o Networks non-existent or undersized.
o Cost per job created far too high.
d. Municipal risk
o Anticipatory debt with no guarantee of benefits.
o Incompatibility with a land base dominated by vacation homes.
👉 The council was therefore right to put the brakes on, not out of ideological reluctance, but out of territorial caution.

2. Is there room for businesses that require a certain infrastructure?

Yes, but not in the form of a traditional industrial park.

The right question is not “which businesses should we attract?”, but rather: which businesses can operate within the existing constraints—or turn them into an advantage?

Heavy manufacturing: highly unlikely
• Primary processing
• Large-scale production
• Intensive logistics
❌ Not competitive without major structural investments

However, there is an often-overlooked blind spot 👇

What Wentworth-Nord can do without major investment
a) Focus on low-profile manufacturing
Companies that:
• employ few people (5–25);
• have high added value;
• produce little pollution;
• can tolerate secondary road access.
Concrete examples:
• specialized manufacturing (high-end wood, composites, custom equipment);
• fine processing workshops (niche food, micro-production);
• prototyping, pre-assembly, and industrial repair companies;
• “industrial” artisan manufacturers (between workshop and factory).

➡️ These companies are not looking for a turnkey industrial park, but rather:
• Permissive zoning;
• A predictable and collaborative municipality;
• A stable, high-quality environment.

The “typical profile”
• 5 to 25 employees (sometimes fewer at the outset)
• Private capital, often family or partner-owned
• Quick decisions, few hierarchical layers
👉 Important: these are companies that value human relationships with the municipality.

b) Become a facilitating municipality, not a promoting one.
Without buying land or going into debt, Wentworth-Nord can:

• Clearly defined “rural economic” zones.
• Simple, readable, quick rules.
• A clear aesthetic and environmental framework (this filters out bad projects).
👉 Many developers abandon projects not because of a lack of interest, but because of regulatory uncertainty.
b. Offer real support
Not subsidies, but:
• A single municipal contact person.
• Assistance with project development (permits, PIIA, CPTAQ, if applicable).
• Coordination with ministries (MTQ, Hydro-Québec, etc.).
➡️ For a developer, time is often more valuable than money.
c. Capitalize on what Wentworth-Nord already has
• Landscape quality;
• Low social conflict (if well managed);
• Distinctive, non-trivialized image of the territory.

3. The real lever: local and regional demand
Wentworth-Nord does not have to produce for the world.
It can produce for:
• the Laurentians;
• second home owners;
• high-value niche markets.
It is an anchor economy, not a volume economy. Wentworth-Nord does not sell itself as an industrial site, but as a place where certain businesses operate better than elsewhere.

In summary
• The mayor was not wrong intellectually, but he was applying a method designed for a dense urban area to a fragile rural municipality.
• An industrial park would have been a risky, potentially costly gamble, poorly aligned with the local DNA.
• Yes, businesses can come, but:
o small,
o specialized,
o not very infrastructure-intensive,
o attracted by the quality of the territory as much as by the land.
• The best strategy is not to invest, but to: reduce uncertainty, accelerate the process, and adopt a clear vision.

By Carl Chapdelaine and ChatGPT

Translated with DeepL.com (free version) & Linguee

B) How to attract developers? (to be continued)

In Wentworth-Nord, the unemployment rate is much higher than in the MRC, 15.5% compared to 9.1%.¹ This situation appears to be chronic, with the construction sector, for example, being a contributing factor. Developers of these integrated and other projects, which have recently been launched, are likely to entrust the construction to outside firms.

The major integrated project at Domaine du Mont, in this growth hub of District 5, even offers model homes that can be delivered turnkey. These are likely prefabricated in a factory. The developer of the Villas du lac Saint-François-Xavier renovation and expansion project said he was calling on experienced contractors.

But to be such a contractor, don't you need to have a suitable location and a larger market than the one available in Wentworth-Nord? A few seem to have succeeded in doing so. But, in all honesty, can you even find specialized companies here to build a swimming pool in these Villas?

Similarly, for any type of new construction, maintenance, or building restoration work, local developers or property owners often award contracts to contractors who do not hire local labor, even though it is sometimes available.

In fact, in the 2021 Census breakdown by industry for Wentworth-Nord, 100 individuals were employed in construction, representing 12.3% of the active workforce, compared to 9.5% in the MRC and only 6.7% province-wide.¹ This was the largest source of employment, just ahead of “health care and social assistance.” Eighty percent of these workers were men, representing one in five of the men working in the municipality.

The municipality itself, subject to the Loi sur les contrats des organismes municipaux, may have to accept the lowest bids for its construction contracts, without the possibility of giving preference to local firms, it seems to us. Only roadworks and other projects that fall directly under its jurisdiction can be awarded to local contractors and workers. There is a list of contractors on the Wentworth-Nord website to make it easier for residents to find them, but most are in neighboring municipalities.

Obviously, local companies do not cover all sectors of construction, hence the absolute necessity of outsourcing. But in this free trade environment, the municipality is no match.

Hydro-Québec, as well as telephone and internet companies, also entrust their land clearing, cable laying, and other work to firms that do not use local labor either.

And this observation can be extended to all services. So not only are the population and the municipality dependent on outside services, but they do not even use all those that are available locally. Wentworth-Nord does not choose to exclude its local workforce; it simply has no control over the decisions that structure demand.

Can the situation be corrected? Or should we not embrace this role as a “dependent residential municipality,” defining and capitalizing on what it can contribute to the economic development of Wentworth-Nord?

A. This is where indirect but effective strategies come into play (ChatGPT):

a) Acting ahead of calls for tenders
If the municipality cannot favor a local company at the time of award, it can influence the very form of the projects.
Examples:
• splitting contracts (when legally possible);
• phasing requirements that make the project less attractive to very large firms but accessible to regional SMEs;
• pre-qualification calls, where local businesses can position themselves.

b) Create an ecosystem
The solution is not to fight head-on, but to change the environment.
Some realistic levers:
• Active, up-to-date local directories, promoted to developers from the design phase onwards.
• Construction-services-municipality consultation tables (even informal ones).
• Structured information for developers: this is what exists locally.
Often, the exclusion of local labor is by default, not out of hostility.

c) Focus on what the big players are not optimizing
Large firms excel at:
• heavy construction,
• prefabrication,
• standardized projects.
They are much less successful in:
• maintenance,
• adaptation,
• renovation,
• post-construction service,
• small recurring jobs.
👉 This is where the core of sustainable local employment lies. Wentworth-Nord will not win the battle for big contracts but can win over the building life cycle.

B. Accept—and transform—the dependent residential vocation

This vocation:

• qualify it,
• channel it,
• and put it at the service of realistic economic development.

• local service economy (maintenance, adaptation, landscaping, energy, property management);
• local specialization (e.g., adapting vacation homes into permanent residences);
• promoting the skills already present in the population.

👉 Dependency is not a flaw if it becomes structured and accepted.

In summary
a) The problem is not a lack of jobs, but the disconnect between local skills and economic decisions.
b) The rules do not allow local businesses to be directly favored.
c) But they do allow action to be taken:

• on project design,
• on the economic environment,
• on segments neglected by major players.

Wentworth-Nord will not become an industrial hub, but it can become a residential area with a service economy that is more locally anchored.

Redefining the role of the municipality
a) Not as:

• An employer,
• A traditional economic developer,

b) But as:

• An architect of conditions,
• A facilitator,
• A discreet catalyst.

In a dependent residential municipality, economic development cannot be decreed; it must be prepared, made possible, and cultivated on a small scale.

1. 2021 Population Census - Profile Table

Subject to change; by Carl Chapdelaine and ChatGPT

Translated with DeepL.com (free version) & Linguee

Based on the projects approved under the PIIA from 2021 to 2025 and their distribution across the municipality's three sectors and six districts, based on the distribution of its voters, we obtained projections of the total number of residents for the municipality, its three sectors, and its six districts.

Montfort and its District 5 have thus emerged as the main residential growth sector in Wentworth-Nord, while Laurel is struggling to keep up. Saint-Michel occupies an intermediate position. But what characterizes these new residents?

Are the new homes permanent residences, leading to an increase in the population, or are they second homes, which accounted for 56% of residences in the 2021 Census? Has their distribution changed since then? By comparing the figures, this year's 2026 Census should perhaps allow us to see the new housing structure taking shape. In the meantime, could real estate market trends and the situation in Wentworth-Nord give us an indication of what this comparison will reveal?

In 2021, detached single-family homes consisted of 99% of the municipality's housing stock, compared to only 69% in the MRC and 44.6% in Quebec. 91% of households (usual residents) in Wentworth-Nord owned the home they lived in. However, new residential housing seems to be predominantly in integrated and multi-unit projects, rather than single-family homes. The real estate landscape in Wentworth-Nord has therefore begun to transform.

In fact, for several years now, single-family home construction has been losing ground to multi-unit housing across the country. The latter is more affordable, while first-time homebuyers must devote an increasingly large portion of their budget to achieve their goal. In the meantime, they remain young residents of their parents' homes or tenants, with rent rates that do not allow them to quickly accumulate the down payment necessary for such a purchase.

The 2021 Census provides us with a breakdown of the population (usual residents) by labor force participation rate, occupation, employment sector, location of employment, and means of transportation to work.
• In 2021, out of 1,550 individuals aged 15 and over, the labor force in Wentworth-Nord numbered 805, compared to 745 who were not in the labor force.
• Of the 805 individuals, 680 were employed, compared to 125 unemployed, representing an unemployment rate of 15.5%, compared to 9.1% in the MRC.
• Of 770 individuals with a trade or profession, 11.7% were in business, finance, or administration; 20.4% in sales and services; and 23.5% in trades, transportation, machinery, or related fields.
• The fields of construction; manufacturing; retail trade; professional, scientific, and technical services; and health care and social assistance each provided between 10% and 13% of jobs.
• For Wentworth-Nord usual residents, the workplace is mainly outside the municipality. Indeed, there are few job providers in Wentworth-Nord. The 2026 Census will update this distribution. In 2021, for the 685 individuals in the employed labor force in Wentworth-Nord, the workplace was home in 27% of cases; no fixed work address for 14%; and a usual place of work for 58%. For the latter 58%, the commuting destination was 12.5% in Wentworth-Nord, 18.8% in another municipality in the Pays-d'en-Haut RCM, and 57.5% outside the RCM. The main means of transportation to this workplace was, in 93% of cases, driving their own vehicle.

The employment profile of new usual residents, most of whom come from outside the municipality, will probably not be the same as that observed in 2021. Their occupations, qualifications, sectors and places of employment, as well as their financial means, may be different.

It is conceivable that long-time usual residents who work outside the municipality will remain in their village of origin because they are well established there. New residents would normally choose to live closer to their place of work rather than in Wentworth-Nord, unless they are vacationers or permanent residents who telework, are retired, or are in a similar situation. This would be especially true if they lived far from their place of work, as in Laurel.

The purchase of a new home in Wentworth-Nord, far from any workplace, may therefore also be justified for a retired household. In 2021, people aged 65 and over, i.e., retirees, are proportionally more numerous in Wentworth-Nord than in the MRC (35% versus 30%).

Due to its location, the Montfort growth hub can enable its usual residents, who have to work outside the area, to pursue their profession within a reasonable distance from their homes, as in Saint-Sauveur. Despite this, an unknown proportion of these residents must commute to Montreal to meet this requirement. However, increasing congestion on the Laurentian Autoroute and greater Internet accessibility could put a damper on this option.

The trend in the real estate sector is also toward smaller households. Households are increasingly made up of two or even one person. This trend can probably be applied to the growing real estate sector in Montfort, and even to the municipality as a whole. However, in 2021, in Wentworth-Nord, single people already made up 41.9% of households.

Demographic changes are accelerating the demand for housing for seniors. As a result, developers are increasingly focusing on developing facilities that meet the needs of an aging population. At the same time, these developers are also interested in new models of community living. However, the break-even point for the construction of this type of facility is probably not yet in sight in Wentworth-Nord.

The various variables that characterize the evolution of the real estate sector therefore probably explain, in part, the slowdown in Laurel's sector in favor of Montfort's. The economy of means, especially infrastructure, which today encourages municipal authorities to concentrate urbanization, should not further alter this trend.

Summary by ChatGPT

1️⃣ Wentworth-Nord as an atypical commuter town (expression to be replaced by “Dependent residential municipality”)
• Few local jobs
• High dependence on cars
• Massive commuting outside the MRC
• But offset by:
o teleworking (27% in 2021, probably more in 2026),
o over-representation of self-employed workers,
o large number of retirees.
👉 This is not a “traditional suburb,” but a residential municipality with weak ties to the local labor market.

2️⃣  Highly polarized residential growth
• Montfort (district 5): clear growth hub
• Saint-Michel: buffer role
• Laurel: relative decline, explainable spatially and functionally
The link between:
• distance to place of employment,
• road accessibility,
• infrastructure savings logic,
• and actual residential attractiveness.

3️⃣ A structural transformation of the housing stock
• 2021:
o 99% single-family homes
o 56% second homes
o 91% homeowners
• 2021–2025 (PIIA):
o integrated projects
o multi-unit dwellings
o targeted densification
Can we infer anything about vacationers?
Yes, partially, by proxy.

Reasonable models to apply (until 2026)
Without resorting to gratuitous speculation, we can apply three robust trends already observed elsewhere in the Laurentians:
🔹 1. Differentiated aging
• Permanent residents who arrive:
o older than the regional average,
o often at the end of their careers or recent retirees,
o households of 1–2 people.
• Vacationers:
o are also aging,
o but remain more affluent,
o with longer seasonal occupancy (semi-permanent).
👉 Expected result in 2026:
increase in median age in both groups, but more pronounced among regular residents.
🔹 2. Teleworking and “active” second homes
• Montfort is still a reasonable distance from Saint-Sauveur
• Laurel is much less so
We can therefore anticipate:
• a partial conversion of second homes into primary residences in Montfort,
• but very few in Laurel.
🔹 3. Reduction in household size
National + regional trend + already very advanced locally (41.9% single-person households).
👉 This means that:
• The number of homes will grow faster than the population.
• This will accentuate the “commuter town” effect (“Dependent residential municipality”) without a population explosion.

Who are the likely new residents?
Without naming them sociologically, we can already identify them:
• Few or no children
• Stable incomes (but not necessarily high)
• High degree of autonomy (car, teleworking, retirement)
• Low dependence on intensive local services
• High expectations in terms of:
• tranquility,
• environment,
• quality of the built environment.

What the 2026 Census will be able to confirm (or disprove)
• ↑ proportion of non-single-family dwellings
• ↑ teleworking
• ↓ average household size
• ↑ median age
• ↓ relative share of second homes in certain sectors only
• Maintenance of a majority of vacationers at the municipal level
In other words: stability of the overall model, internal transformation by sector.

Source:

1. Nord-Wentwortois, according to the 2021 Census of Canada (Summary)
2. 2021 Population Census - Profile Table
3. Beyond boundaries: Real estate's new growth frontiers

By Carl Chapdelaine and ChatGPT

Translated with DeepL.com (free version) & Linguee

Note: This scenario is illustrative.
It aims to shed light on the structural issues involved in electoral redistricting based on public data, growth estimates, and reasonable assumptions.
The mathematical redistricting was established with the assistance of ChatGPT; the proposed territorial boundaries are the author's initiative and have no official value.
Any actual implementation would require detailed field analysis and approval by the relevant municipal authorities.

Methodological clarification
The projections and balances presented in this document are based on the estimated change in the number of residents per district.
In practice, electoral redistricting is based on the number of voters, i.e., residents of voting age. In a relatively homogeneous rural context such as Wentworth-Nord, and in the absence of detailed prospective data on the age structure by district, the residential population is nevertheless a relevant indicator for analyzing the relative differences between districts and their growth dynamics.
This approach may result in a slight time lag in reaching the legal thresholds based strictly on the electorate, but it does not call into question the necessity, nature, or structure of the proposed redistricting.

Indicative moment when District 6 becomes the trigger
This scenario is based on residential growth estimates by district, aligned with new construction projects approved under the PIIA between 2021 and 2025. District 6 appears to be the main driver of demographic imbalance.
• Indicative date when the acceptable deviation threshold will be exceeded: 2036–2037
• Date when the imbalance will become politically and legally difficult to ignore: 2039–2040
These time frames should be understood as orders of magnitude. A calculation based strictly on the electorate could slightly delay the deadline, without changing the central conclusion.
👉 Important:
District 6 is the trigger for the process but cannot in any way be the isolated solution.

Overall redistricting: integration of real constraints
The values presented correspond to projected residential populations. They are used to assess the relative balance between districts; the analysis would remain valid if the figures were transposed to electoral populations, subject to a time adjustment.
Reminder of existing geographical contiguities between current districts (e.g., District 1 can exchange territory directly, only with District 2):
D1 ↔ D2
• D2 ↔ D1, D3, D4
• D3 ↔ D2, D4
• D4 ↔ D1, D2, D3, D5, D6
• D5 ↔ D4, D6
• D6 ↔ D4, D5
Proposed result: excellent balance
District After Deviation from average

1.      840 +2.3%
2.      845 +2.9%
3.      855 +4.1%
4.      794 −3.3%
5.      822 +0.1%
6.      769 −6.3%

W-N:  4,925
✔ All within ±7%
✔ No vulnerable districts
✔ Growth margin integrated for D1 and D6
✔ D3 finally structurally viable
👉 This is significantly better than simple ±15% compliance.

Transfers: proportion and acceptability
• Population affected by territorial adjustments: approximately 340 residents.
• ≈ 6.9% of the municipal residential population.
The transition to 7 districts is inferior in every respect; not because it is impossible, but because it is disproportionate and unstable.

Final conclusion
• ✅ District 6 will indeed trigger the electoral redistricting process.
• ❌ It cannot, under any circumstances, be the sole solution
• ✅ The overall redistricting into six districts is:
o optimal,
o proportionate,
o sustainable (over a period of approximately 15 years),
o and fully compliant with the spirit of Regulation 2016-464-1.
The dates given in this scenario should be understood as illustrative benchmarks. The central issue is not the exact date of implementation, but the fact that the redistribution is inevitable, and that only an overall redistribution can provide a stable, fair, and consistent response.

Territorial redistribution
The illustrative scenario provided by ChatGPT does not indicate the exchanges of territory between existing districts that correspond to this balanced result. To achieve this, we must:

• Aim to preserve the identity of the current districts as much as possible. However, this will not be possible for those that deviate too far from the average number of residents, such as districts 1 and 6, which exceed it, or district 3, which lags too far behind. In fact, the former will have to give way, while District 3 will expand at the expense of its neighbors. District 4 is a buffer zone that must both receive and give; it would be reshaped on all sides.
• Give everyone the opportunity to maintain their demographic weight, beyond the redistricting.

• District 1 would relinquish one of its growth nodes, Les Cabanes du Trappeur, to District 2.
• District 2 would lose the Wentworth Lake area, with its sustained growth, to District 4. Fraser Lake, with its low growth, would go to District 3.
• District 3, in great need of growth, would benefit most from the acquisition of Lac Argenté and Grand-lac-Noir, at the expense of District 4.
• District 4, on the other hand, would take over part of District 6's growth hub, with the area around Lac Saint-Victor. This hub would allow it to maintain its new position in the future.
• District 5 would gain some territory south of Lac Noiret, at the expense of District 6.
• District 6 would therefore have ceded the Lac Saint-Victor Estates to District 4, but it would retain the other part of its growth hub, as well as excellent opportunities for growth along its road network, given its geographical position and the infrastructure already in place.
• Districts 4 and 5 would start with a below-average number of residents, but with the assets to catch up.

By ChatGPT and Carl Chapdelaine,

Translated with DeepL.com (free version) & Linguee

"Occupancy and vitality of territories
The indicators presented in the Vitrine statistique on the occupancy and vitality of territories relate to the Strategy to Ensure the Occupancy and Vitality of Territories 2018-2022, which has been extended until 2024. These indicators make it possible to track progress at different territorial levels in Québec in terms of demographics, employment, wealth, and quality of life.

New indicators will be used to monitor the 2025-2029 Strategy, adopted in December 2024 (forthcoming)." Statistique Québec

Interactive map

Municipal Bylaw no 2016-464-1 establishes the electoral map of Wentworth-Nord using an electoral formula based on the number of voters, including both permanent residents and vacationers. The official distribution thus totals 1,990 voters, according to municipal and provincial data in effect at the time. (The electoral list, provided by Elections Québec, was compiled from Census data and updated.)

To estimate the number of potential voters (18+), based directly on census data, we can assume that nearly 95% of the population aged 15-64 and 100% of those aged 65+ are eligible to vote (in the absence of exact data). (Detailed source for age groups) Statistics Canada

📉 Notes on adult population estimates
With a rapidly aging population (median age much higher than elsewhere), the proportion of voters aged 18+ is high in Wentworth-Nord, which means that disparities between districts are likely to appear more quickly if certain areas grow faster than others.
point2homes.com (Note: Incorrect definitions in this publication chosen by ChatGPT. E.g., residents confused with population.)

Methodological note

The projections and balances presented in this document are based on estimated changes in the number of residents per district.

In practice, electoral redistricting is based on the number of voters, i.e., residents of voting age. In the absence of detailed prospective data on the age structure by district, the resident population is nevertheless a relevant indicator for analyzing relative differences between districts and their growth dynamics.

This approach may result in a slight time lag in reaching the legal thresholds based strictly on the electorate, but it does not call into question the necessity, nature, or structure of the proposed redistricting.

Proportion of “population/all residents” and proportion of voters
The population referred to as “usual residents” represented only about 45.5% of all residents of Wentworth-Nord in 2021.
(Ratio of “population to residents”
Private dwellings occupied by usual residents (population): 896 /
Total private dwellings occupied (residents + vacationers): 1,968)
We will apply this percentage throughout our argument and assume that the proportion of people of voting age (18 and over), taken from the population census, also applies to vacationers.

Trigger rule
Under the Loi sur les élections et les référendums dans les municipalités / Act respecting elections and referendums in municipalities (LERM) and recognized practice in Quebec:
👉 Redistricting becomes necessary when the difference between districts exceeds ±25% of the municipal average number of voters, or when this situation is clearly foreseeable in the short term.
However: “Municipalities ... with fewer than 20,000 inhabitants may voluntarily submit to this obligation.” Élections Québec
In addition: "... municipalities may obtain an exemption from this rule of equal voting rights from the Commission de la représentation électorale (CRE) in order to respect the different natural or homogeneous communities established within their territory.
“To do so, the boundaries are drawn based on physical barriers, municipal districts, demographic trends, surface areas, and distances.”
The CRE has published a guide on the division of municipal territory into electoral districts.
Guide sur la division du territoire municipal en districts électoraux

Projection results 

Based on resident projections by district, established on the basis of estimated 2021 figures and extrapolated to 2035 using separate implied average annual rates, it appears that residential growth in Wentworth-Nord will remain moderate overall, but will vary significantly from district to district.

District 6 stands out clearly as the main driver of growth. Its population is expected to increase from approximately 630 residents in 2021 to 939 in 2035, an increase of nearly 49%, corresponding to an average annual rate of approximately 2.9%. This growth is well above the municipal average and is part of a pattern of rapid and sustained expansion.

District 1 also shows significant growth, although significantly lower than District 6. Its population is expected to grow from approximately 708 to 950 residents over the period, representing growth of around 34% (≈ 2.1% per year). This is sustained growth, but it is not enough to offset the growing demographic dominance of District 6.

Conversely, Districts 3 and 2 show more moderate growth. District 3 is expected to grow from approximately 590 to 655 residents between 2021 and 2035 (≈ 0.75% per year), while District 2 is expected to grow from 787 to 905 residents (≈ 1.0% per year). These districts are therefore growing in absolute terms, but at a slower rate than the municipal average, resulting in a relative decline in the distribution of residents.

District 4 is experiencing moderate growth. Its population is expected to increase from approximately 630 to 734 residents over the period, representing growth of around 16.5% (≈ 1.1% per year). Although real and sustained, this growth remains insufficient to maintain its relative weight in the municipal demographic structure compared to faster-growing districts.

District 5 occupies an intermediate position. Its population is expected to increase from approximately 590 to 742 residents over the period (≈ 1.65% per year), reflecting real growth but significantly more moderate than that of District 6, despite their geographical proximity. This distinction confirms that the two districts cannot be equated in demographic terms.

The sum of the projections by district leads to a total municipal population increasing from approximately 3,935 residents in 2021 to nearly 4,925 in 2035, representing an overall growth of approximately 25% over the period (≈ 1.6% per year).

Overall, average resident growth at the municipal level remains moderate, due to the combined effect of several districts experiencing slow or moderate growth, while District 6 is gradually diverging upward. This growing divergence is changing the internal demographic balance of the municipality and is a key issue for electoral representation and medium-term land use planning.

Time of exceeding the legal threshold
When projecting resident numbers from the reference year 2021, the differences between districts remain acceptable by 2025. However, District 6's trajectory shows a rapid acceleration.
By 2030, the projected population of District 6 is close to the legal threshold of +25% compared to the municipal average. The threshold will clearly and sustainably be exceeded between 2031 and 2033, then increase further until 2035, when the situation will clearly not comply with the balance criteria set out in municipal electoral legislation.
This conclusion is based exclusively on the dynamics of District 6. It reinforces the analytical soundness of the observation that electoral redistricting will become necessary in the medium term in order to restore fair representation of residents across districts.

✅ Clear conclusion
📌 Electoral redistricting should be undertaken by 2032–2033 at the latest, if the municipality wishes to comply with this obligation.
More specifically:
Formal analysis recommended: by 2030
Redistricting process to be initiated: 2031–2032
Adoption of a new bylaw: before 2033, in order to avoid a situation of clear non-compliance.

What redistricting?
The electoral law sets the number of districts for a municipality with fewer than 20,000 inhabitants at a minimum of 6 and a maximum of 8.
Clearly, the council for the next term will have to analyze the situation and propose a solution to the imbalance predicted for the early 2030s.
Given the size of the territory and the importance of respecting the specific characteristics of its components, it may suggest maintaining, broadly speaking, the current division.
However, if the predominance of District 6 continues to assert itself, as can be assumed, the council may deem it appropriate to create two districts and thus add a seventh councillor. Quite a headache in store...

Subject to change; by Carl Chapdelaine, assisted by ChatGPT

Translated with DeepL.com (free version) & Linguee